Jamie York
Jamie York is a producer for On the Media.
When the diplomatic cables leaked online last year via Wikileaks, the world saw thousands and thousands of behind-the-scenes conversations that are ordinarily classified. The American Civil Liberties Union saw an opportunity. They filed a freedom of information request with the State Department and requested 23 of the cables that discussed particularly controversial topics, including torture, rendition, Guantánamo, and targeted killings by drones. When the State Department refused, the ACLU sued and now 11 of the cables have been released (albeit heavily redacted). Compare the two and you get an amazing glimpse of what the U.S. government chooses to censor and why.
This week Brooke speaks with Ben Wizner of the ACLU’s National Security Project about the redacted and unredacted versions. But you know what they say about pictures and words and equivalency; the ACLU have created a webpage that shows the cables with redactions – but when you move your mouse over the blacked out sections, the text underneath is revealed. It’s great fun and we encourage you to check it out: http://www.aclu.org/wikileaksFOIA
Comments [2]
I enjoyed the story and the ACLU's efforts. But, I was dismayed that Brooke never asked how the ACLU knows what criteria the State Dept. used to redact anything? How can they know that the State Dept, knowing the bind that they were in, didn't just redact more or less randomly. Even if it seems unlikely, it seems worthwhile pursuing this. Otherwise, we are at risk of celebrating how smart we are and claiming we know more than we do.
Rather than tossing softballs during this interview, it would have been interesting if Ms. Gladstone had asked Mr. Wizner his response to what might be considered an analogous situation:
Through an illegal search and seizure, government officials obtain a criminal defendant's documents in which s/he admits to the crime. A blogger gets access to the documents and makes them public. We all know what the documents say. Should the defendant's counsel have to concede the admissibility of the documents? Should the prosecution be able to argue that since the information is now public, there can be no basis for excluding the documents from evidence at trial? Should a judge or jury convict regardless of the exclusion because they and we the public know the defendant is guilty?
I strongly suspect Mr. Wizner would say the 4th Amendment right should prevail and that the evidence should be excluded, i.e., treated as if it never were illegal obtained, and the defendant should be tried solely on the basis of evidence admissible in that court. Yet, he would deny the government's similar (though admittedly not constitutional) right to contend that the WikiLeaks are the fruit of the poisonous tree and should not cut off its right to treat diplomatic secrets as if they had not been illegally obtained.
Leave a Comment
Register for your own account so you can vote on comments, save your favorites, and more. Learn more.
Please stay on topic, be civil, and be brief.
Email addresses are never displayed, but they are required to confirm your comments. Names are displayed with all comments. We reserve the right to edit any comments posted on this site. Please read the Comment Guidelines before posting. By leaving a comment, you agree to New York Public Radio's Privacy Policy and Terms Of Use.